I show of five verb classes in Spanish (verbs of killing, cooking, ballistic motion, coloring and cutting) that they encode both the manner and the result of the action that they express in a single morpheme. I argue that members of these verb classes can enter into weak resultative constructions in Spanish, the most adequate analysis of which is given by Bigolin & Ausensi (to appear) in their result adjunct approach, while Folli & Harley’s (2020) head movement approach rules out some available constructions. I further support the adjunct status of result phrases in Spanish resultatives with two independent phenomena: word order variation and the variation of P elements in the result phrase. Additionally, I note that Hungarian seems to display a different lexicalization pattern: manner and result components are generally often encoded in separate morphemes in particle+verb compounds, in line with the Manner/Result Complementarity Hypothesis of Rappaport Hovav & Levin (2010).